Argentina's Chamber of Deputies Passes Bill to Prohibit Central Bank Financing to Treasury, Inflation Must Decrease by Stopping the Printing Press for the Treasury
The Argentine Chamber of Deputies passed an amendment to the Central Bank Organization Law promoted by President Javier Milei, prohibiting the central bank from financing the treasury directly or indirectly. The bill now goes to the Senate.
The vote was 144 in favor, 102 against, and 9 abstentions, with the session dragging from noon to midnight. The text establishes the sole responsibility of the central bank as maintaining the value of the national currency, removing multiple objectives such as employment, social equity, and financial stability that were included in 2012. It prohibits temporary advances to the treasury, loans to the nation and provinces, direct subscription of government bonds in the primary market, and using old channels like non-transferable bonds for financing; profits remitted to the treasury are limited to realized profits and must be declared for debt repayment. Milei stated this is to eliminate "printing money to support politics," aiming to reduce annual inflation from approximately 211% in 2023 to an estimated range of about 30%. He wants to prevent the next government from reopening the printing press. On the same night, "Fiscal Innocence II" passed with 139 votes to 110, expanding the thresholds for tax evasion and hidden wealth, also awaiting the Senate's approval.
The Senate's ruling coalition does not hold a majority and must seek additional votes. Some opposition members have framed the reform as consolidating the current president Santiago Bausili's arrangements. The International Monetary Fund previously listed strengthening the central bank's independence as one of its conditions. The government still includes zero fiscal deficit and external debt authorization in the 2026 budget. The last major amendment to the central bank's charter was in 2012. After the vote, Milei stated the next step is to go to the Senate and "continue the fight."
The printing ban does not immediately change reserve figures; it alters the financing menu for future deficits: the treasury can only issue bonds, raise taxes, or cut spending, and cannot open temporary accounts with the central bank. The exchange rate of the peso and risk premiums will be repriced based on market belief in whether the ban can pass the Senate.
Mechanically, this is a legislative expectation trade, not an immediate halt to printing. Buyers are foreign investors betting on Argentine assets, looking at institutional locks, and bondholders, while sellers are the treasury accustomed to living off temporary advances. If the Senate approves, funds will shift from the central bank's balance sheet to the bond market and fiscal spending cuts. Beneficiaries will be the purchasing power of the national currency and the narrative of reduced spending, while those under pressure will be provinces and potential spending items reliant on central bank financing. The 144 votes only complete half the journey; a Senate rejection or amendment will immediately reflect on the national risk index. Inflation has already decreased before the ban legislation, relying on executed fiscal contraction; the bill aims to lock in the next political cycle.
In supplementary terms, temporary advances have been a standard interface in Argentina's inflation cycle for decades; this time, the interface is being removed from the charter rather than announcing a halt to all monetary operations on a specific date.
Source: Public Information
ABAB AI Insight
Milei has written his campaign slogan into the central bank law: the treasury is no longer allowed to convert deficits into base money. The multiple objectives from 2012 allowed the central bank to address both employment and exchange rates, making temporary advances long-term legal. The removal of these objectives with 144 votes effectively shifts monetary policy from a development tool back to a price tool. Inflation has dropped from triple digits to about 30%, initially relying on spending cuts; the bill aims to prevent the next government from retracting the knife and reopening the printing press. The Senate's lack of a majority indicates that what is being locked in is not today's cabinet, but the next electoral cycle.
The capital pathway binds IMF conditions, external debt extensions, and risk premiums to the same charter. Foreign capital marks "no more watering the treasury" as a systemic discount, while local currency bonds and stocks traded during the Chamber of Deputies' approval reflect the Senate's probability. The passage of Fiscal Innocence II on the same night aims to bring mattress dollars back into the banking system, complementing the ban: on one hand, cutting off peso supply, and on the other, increasing the visibility of dollar deposits. The selection and removal thresholds for the president have been framed by the opposition as personnel consolidation, indicating that independence clauses are always contingent on who occupies that chair.
Analogously, several Latin American countries in the 1990s wrote prohibitions on monetary financing into their central bank laws, as did Turkey with similar bans repeatedly opened and closed. Argentina is at a stage where fiscal contraction has occurred, but the monetary anchor has not yet been legally cemented. The removal of multiple objectives does not automatically lead to dollarization or a currency board; it merely eliminates the cheapest form of deficit export.
Structural changes belong to regulatory changes. The pricing power of the fiscal deficit shifts from the central bank back to the bond market and congressional appropriations. The mechanism is: prohibiting temporary advances raises the true interest rate on bond issuance, forcing spending cuts or tax increases; a single objective makes it harder to justify "protecting employment" when inflation exceeds targets. The law can lock in the text, but it cannot prevent the next Congress from reverting to the 2012 text—the Senate's approval is essentially pricing the cost of reverting.
ABAB News · Cognitive Law
Inflation must decrease by stopping the printing press for the treasury.
When the central bank has multiple objectives, the cheapest objective is always to print money.
Halfway legislative trades concern the Senate, not the already fallen inflation numbers.